PHD PROJECT:

Deconstructing Adpositionhood (ongoing)

SIDE PROJECTS:

    • On Nominal Arguments:
      • Modification and argument introduction in the noun phrase

        My claim is that, in the noun phrase, modification (by adjectives or modifier PPs) is systematically negotiated at a lower structural level than argument introduction. In this sense, the nominal domain differs significantly from the verbal/clausal domain.

      • Nominal possession in Standard Fijian (joint work with Margaret Wang)

        Expanding on the work in Wang’s MA dissertation, we analyse the complex Fijian possessive paradigm and its possessive “classifiers”. Relevant factors at play include the distinction between sortal (“alienably possessed”) and relational (“inalienably possessed”) nouns, the distinction between pronouns/proper names and common nouns, and animacy.

    • On Numerals and Plurality:
      • The syntax and semantics of Numeral-Noun Constructions in Finnish

        Numeral-Noun Constructions in Finnish normally display a singular (non-plural marked) noun, preceded by a singular numeral and singular adjectives. However, it is sometimes possible for some or all the elements of a Numeral-Noun Construction to display plural morphology, with a series of morphosyntactic and/or semantic differences.

      • The semantics of Pluralia Tantum (joint work with Tom Trigg

        We conduct a crosslinguistic survey of pluralia tantum and propose a semantic analysis according to which pluralia tantum are just what it says on the tin: true inclusive plurals, like all others. We then invoke pragmatic principles to explain the apparent differences between the semantics of pluralia tantum and the semantics of ordinary plurals.

    • Other:
      • The structural position of postnominal (aka “low”) demonstratives

        My contention is that what have been claimed to be “low” postnominal demonstratives or demonstrative reinforcers in Romance (by e.g. Brugè 2002, Guardiano 2010, Roberts 2017, Giusti 2018) are in fact significantly structurally high in the noun phrase.

      • Concord as Agree triggered by PF-uninterpretability

        I try to develop an approach to Agree according to which PF-uninterpretability (i.e. the need to find a suitable phonological host) is able to make an independently valued feature a Probe for Agree. I attempt to show how this can account for concord in the noun phrase and apparent cases of Agree “upwards”.

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